The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment does not suggest legislatures must intentionally structure their districts to reflect absolute equality of votes. . In answering this question, the Court was concerned to carry out the intention of Congress in enacting the 1929 Act.See id. But if they be regulated properly by the state legislatures, the congressional control will very probably never be exercised. . None of those cases has the slightest bearing on the present situation. [n26] The deadlock was finally broken when a majority of the States agreed to what has been called the Great Compromise, [n27] based on a proposal which had been repeatedly advanced by Roger [p13] Sherman and other delegates from Connecticut. was confessedly unjust," [n22] and Rufus King of Massachusetts, was prepared for every event rather than sit down under a Govt. ; H.R. Whether the electors should vote by ballot or viva voce, should assemble at this place or that place, should be divided into districts or all meet at one place, shd all vote for all the representatives, or all in a district vote for a number allotted to the district, these & many other points would depend on the Legislatures. 13-14), from the intention of the delegates at the Philadelphia Convention "that, in allocating Congressmen, the number assigned to each State should be determined solely by the number of the State's inhabitants," ante, p. 13, to a "principle solemnly embodied in the Great Compromise -- equal representation in the House for equal numbers of people," ante, p. 14. 48. Ante, p. 15. 627,019223,387403,632, Texas(23). The Court in Baker pointed out that the opinion of Mr. Justice Frankfurter in Colegrove, upon the reasoning of which the majority below leaned heavily in dismissing "for want of equity," was approved by only three of the seven Justices sitting. . The Court purports to find support for its position in the third paragraph of Art. constructing the interstate highway system. The average population of the ten districts is 394,312, less than half that of the Fifth. [n29] After further discussion of districting, the proposed resolution was modified to read as follows: [Resolved] . . . In 1960, the population base was 178,559,217, and the number of Representatives was 435. If the Federal Constitution intends that, when qualified voters elect members of Congress, each vote be given as much weight as any other vote, then this statute cannot stand. 536,029263,850272,179, Maine(2). Legislature, as it was presumable that the Counties having the power in the former case would secure it to themselves in the latter. . Chief Justice Earl Warren called Baker v. Carr the most important case of his tenure on the Supreme Court. 16. Wesberry v. Sanders is a landmark case because it mandated that congressional districts throughout the country must be roughly equal in population. . . This . WebThe case of Wesberry v. Sanders in 1964 was a landmark court decision that established the principle of 'one person, one vote' in districting for the House of Representatives. The state claimed redistricting was a political question and non-justiciable. Mr. Justice Rutledge, in Colgerove, believed that the Court should exercise its equitable discretion to refuse relief because. 46. The delegates were quite aware of what Madison called the "vicious representation" in Great Britain [n35] whereby "rotten boroughs" with few inhabitants were represented in Parliament on or almost on a par with cities of greater population. ThoughtCo, Aug. 28, 2020, thoughtco.com/baker-v-carr-4774789. Once it is clear that there is no constitutional right at stake, that ends the case. Each time redistricting plans were drawn up in accordance with the federal census and put to a vote, they failed to get enough votes to pass. . ." . at 461-462 (William Samuel Johnson). ; H.R. In the Virginia convention, during the discussion of 4, Madison again stated unequivocally that he looked solely to that section to prevent unequal districting: . The issue before the Court was whether or not the Congress had power to pass laws protecting [p46] the right to vote for a member of Congress from fraud and violence; the Court relied expressly on Art. 7-8, 18. . there is no apparent judicial remedy or set of judicial standards for resolving the issue, a decision cannot be made without first making a policy determination that is not judicial in nature, the Court cannot undertake an "independent resolution" without "expressing lack of the respect due coordinate branches of government", there is an unusual need for not questioning a political decision that has already been made, "the potentiality of embarrassment" from multiple decisions being issued by various departments regarding one question. At the Massachusetts convention, Judge Dana approved 4 because it gave Congress power to prevent a state legislature from copying Great Britain, where, a borough of but two or three cottages has a right to send two representatives to Parliament, while Birmingham, a large and populous manufacturing town, lately sprung up, cannot send one. What was the significance of Baker v Carr 1961? Quite obviously, therefore, Smiley v. Holm does not stand for the proposition which my Brother CLARK derives from it. Given these similarities, with certain important differences, the way the two constitutions have been interpreted by the courts offers an interesting study in the influence of textual language, structural relationships, historical intentions, and political values on constitutional interpretation generally. Materials supplementary to the debates are as unequivocal. of the yearly value of forty shillings, and been rated and actually paid taxes to this State. The decision allowed the Supreme Court and other federal district courts to enter the political realm, violating the intent of separation of powers, Justice Frankfurter wrote. The complaint alleged that appellants were deprived of the full benefit of their right to vote, in violation of (1) Art. . at 3. b. The basis for this approach in Australia is the view that the Constitution derived its legal force from enactment by the British Parliament and obtains continuing legitimacy from the support of the Australian people considered as an undifferentiated whole. 111, 85th Cong., 1st Sess. Traditionally, particularly in the South, the https://www.thoughtco.com/baker-v-carr-4774789 (accessed March 1, 2023). [n32] Responding [p39] to the suggestion that the Congress would favor the seacoast, he asserted that the courts would not uphold, nor the people obey, "laws inconsistent with the Constitution." Which of the following is the best example of a national-level policy serving as a response to a collective-action dilemma among states? 41.See, e.g., 2 The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution (2d Elliot ed. [n13] It freezes upon both, for no reason other than that it seems wise to the majority of the present Court, a particular political theory for the selection of Representatives. The Fifth district voters sued the Governor and Secretary of State of Georgia, seeking a declaration that Georgias 1931 apportionment statute was invalid, and that the State should be enjoined from conducting elections under the statute. VII, which restricted the vote to freeholders. . . . That district, one of ten created by a 1931 Georgia statute, [n1] includes Fulton, DeKalb, and Rockdale Counties, and has a population, according to the 1960 census, of 823,680. no serious inroads had yet been made upon the privileges of property, which, indeed, maintained in most states a second line of defense in the form of high personal property qualifications required for membership in the legislature. . 34. See, e.g., the New York Constitution of 1777, Art. (For more detail, see here). 1343(3), asking that the Georgia statute be declared invalid and that the appellees, the Governor and Secretary of State of Georgia, be enjoined from conducting elections under it. William Samuel Johnson of Connecticut had summed it up well: "in one branch, the people ought to be represented; in the other, the States." 588,933301,872287,061, Colorado(4). The right to vote is too important in our free society to be stripped of judicial protection by such an interpretation of Article I. . Despite the apparent fear that 4 would be abused, no one suggested that it could safely be deleted because 2 made it unnecessary. Although the Court finds necessity for its artificial construction of Article I in the undoubted importance of the right to vote, that right is not involved in this case. Appellants are qualified voters in Georgia's Fifth Congressional District, the population of which is two to three times greater than that of some other congressional districts in the State. 7343, 88th Cong., 1st Sess. (Cooke ed.1961) 369. One district, the Ninth, has only 272,154 people, less than one-third as many as the Fifth. [n1] In all but five of those States, the difference between [p21] the populations of the largest and smallest districts exceeded 100,000 persons. Id. . Attorneys on behalf of the state argued that the Supreme Court lacked grounds and jurisdiction to even hear the case. All districts have roughly equal populations within states. Farsighted men felt that a closer union was necessary if the States were to be saved from foreign and domestic dangers. WebBaker v. Carr, supra, considered a challenge to a 1901 Tennessee statute providing for apportionment of State Representatives and Senators under the State's constitution, which called for apportionment among counties or districts 'according to the number of qualified electors in each.' The Court issued its ruling on February 17, 1964. . Spitzer, Elianna. The second question, which concerned two congressional apportionment measures, was whether the Act of June 18, 1929, 46 Stat. 13. 57 (Cooke ed.1961), at 385. In Baker v. Carr, the court determined that the legislative apportionment was a legitimate concern, whereas in Wesberry v. Sanders, the court found that Georgia's apportionment plan grossly discriminated against Fifth Congressional District voters because they were 2 to 3 times as numerous and as a result underrepresented in terms of The Supreme Court had ruled a decision in favor of Shaw and the other residents. [n27]. Suppose a survey of individuals who recently moved asked respondents how satisfied they were with the public services at their new location relative to their old one. He developed a six prong test to guide the Court in future decisions regarding whether or not a question is "political." Laying aside for the moment the validity of such a consideration as a factor in constitutional interpretation, it becomes relevant to examine the history of congressional action under Art. . 823,680272,154551,526, Idaho(2). Baker v. Carr (1962) was a landmark case concerning re-apportionment and redistricting. . However, the Court has followed the reasoning of the dissenting justices in those at 437-438, 439-441, 444-445, 453-455 (Luther Martin of Maryland); id. Does the number of districts within the State have any relevance? Only a demonstration which could not be avoided would justify this Court in rendering a decision the effect of which, inescapably, as I see it, is to declare constitutionally defective the very composition of a coordinate branch of the Federal Government. . Time & \text{Nonconformities per Unit} & Time & \text{Nonconformities per Unit} \\ Baker v. Carr was a landmark U.S. Supreme Court casein the year 1962. In New York City, a single executive is popularly elected and he or she appoints officials in charge of various departments. Why would free riding occur in Congressional politics? See notes 1 and 2, supra. Though the Articles established a central government for the United States, as the former colonies were even then called, the States retained most of their sovereignty, like independent nations bound together only by treaties. . The other side of the compromise was that, as provided in Art. In my view, we should therefore vacate this judgment and remand the case for a hearing [p20] on the merits. (Emphasis added.) The cases of Baker v. Carr (1962) and Wesberry v. Sanders (1964) established that all electoral districts of state legislatures and the United States House of Representatives must be equal in size by population within state. The Court relies in part on Baker v. Carr, supra, to immunize its present decision from the force of Colegrove. The history of the Constitution, particularly that part of it relating to the adoption of Art. 5, 6; Act of Feb. 7, 1891, 3, 26 Stat. 28-29. The districts are those used in the election of the current 88th Congress. Yet, each Georgia district was represented by one congressperson in the House of Representatives. However, the Court has followed the reasoning of the dissenting justices in those American cases, thus rejecting any implication that districts must have virtually the same population. 409,949257,242152,707, Illinois(24). . [State legislatures] might make an unequal and partial division of the states into districts for the election of representatives, or they might even disqualify one third of the electors. [n38] This statement was offered simply to show that the slave [p40] population could not reasonably be included in the basis of apportionment of direct taxes and excluded from the basis of apportionment of representation. 21, had repealed certain provisions of the Act of Aug. 8, 1911, 37 Stat. Equally significant is the fact that the proposed resolution expressly empowering the States to establish congressional districts contains no mention of a requirement that the districts be equal in population. . WebREYNOLDS v. SIMS ABROAD: A BRITON COMPARES APPORTIONMENT CRITERIA VIVIAN VALE University of Southampton HE CASE of Baker v. Carr, and its progeny Wesberry v. Sanders to Rey-nolds v. Sims and beyond, seemed to have provided American political scientists and legal commentators with native pasture rich enough for many years' grazing. . 33.Id. Which best describes Federalism as a political system? . The problem was described by Mr. Justice Frankfurter as. Some of them, of course, would ordinarily come from districts the populations of which were about that which would result from an apportionment based solely on population. WebBaker v. Carr (1962) is the U.S. Supreme Court case that held that federal courts could hear cases alleging that a states drawing of electoral boundaries, i.e. Justice Rutledge, in Colgerove, believed that the Supreme Court lacked grounds and jurisdiction to even the. The following is the best example of a national-level policy serving as a to... Once it is clear that there is no constitutional right at stake, that ends the for. Felt that a closer union was necessary if the states were to be stripped of judicial Protection by such interpretation..., 46 Stat, therefore, Smiley v. Holm does not stand for the which. Protection by such an interpretation of Article I. from the force of Colegrove was.. Side of the Constitution, particularly that part of it relating to Adoption... Of ( similarities between baker v carr and wesberry v sanders ) Art that it could safely be deleted because 2 made it unnecessary this. 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